Historisk tidskrift 126:4 • 2006
Innehåll (Contents) 2006:4
Uppsatser (Articles)
Radikalism som strategi Bondepolitik vid 1800-talets mitt
Jan Christensen
Fulltext (pdf)
Summary
Radicalism as strategy. Peasant politics in the middle of the
nineteenth century
In the 1840s, the Swedish liberal left had its major support
in the press, but also a strong position in the peasant estate.
In the parliamentary session of 1840–1841, the peasant estate
would become the first estate to endorse the demands for parliamentary
reform raised by the liberal opposition. In addition to demanding
the abolition of the parliament of estates and the introduction
of joint elections, the peasant estate recommended a unicameral
legislature and a democratisation of the franchise following
Norwegian model. The peasant estate represented by far the
largest constituency of the four estates – by mid-nineteenth
century about 200 000 freeholders, compared to around 1 200
nobles, 1 500 clergymen, and 30 000 burghers – but was nevertheless
not a popular representative assembly.
Only about 5 percent
of the total population held voting rights at this time. The
majority of the representatives in the peasant estate belonged
to the agrarian middle class and represented the interests
of small property holders. The turn to a more radical position
was brought about by frustration over the failure to reform
the existing political system in general and constitutionally
guaranteed estate privileges in particular. Constitutional
guarantees made the abolition of the nobility’s land privileges
virtually impossible.
After the Diet of 1834–1835, the peasant
estate concluded that the entire political system had to be
radically reshaped in order to reform the land tax. Thus, the
peasant estate was driven to adopt a radical position not because
of ideological conviction but because of political interests.
The estate hoped it would gain greater influence over economic
policy by such a strategy. Parliamentary reform would not take
place before 1865, however. Prime Minister Louis De Geer won
the support of the peasant estate for a bicameral legislature
by offering favourable census rules for freeholders. But despite
the parliamentary reform, the coveted land tax reform was delayed.
This time, however, it was not the noble estate but the Upper
House that stopped demands for tax reform by means of its veto
power
Keywords
the four estates, parliamentary reform, peasant radicalism,
Norwegian peasant democracy, liberalism
|
|