Historisk tidskrift 122:3 • 2002
Innehåll (Contents) 2002:3
Uppsatser (Articles)
Den svenska mellankrigsfascismen – ett ointressant marginalfenomen
eller ett viktigt forskningsobjekt?
Lena Berggren
Fulltext (pdf)
Summary
Summary: Swedish Interwar Fascism – a Tedious Marginality
or an Important Area for Research?
This article has shown that interwar Swedish fascism, far
from being a tedious marginality, is an important area for
future study. Previous research in the field is incomplete
as to which organisations and environments have been studied,
and the area also lacks an analytical approach that tries to
capture the ideological features of interwar Swedish fascism.
With a few exceptions, we thus know very little about what
exactly the Swedish interwar fascists wanted to achieve and
which means they proposed to use to achieve their ideological
goal.
Investigations into the ideological content of Swedish
fascism and its dependence of and influence on the political
and cultural climate of interwar Sweden at large is not only
a missing piece in the general political and intellectual history
of this country. The Swedish case is also interesting from
an international perspective. Even if Swedish interwar fascism
belongs to the minor and less influential national variants,
it is still a significant piece in the jig-saw puzzle of formulating
a generic ideal-type concept of fascism, a concept which aims
towards a fuller understanding of fascism as a relatively coherent
political ideology with its own core myth rather than a paradoxical
and manichean terror system. Shifting the focus from the giants
of Fascist Italy and nazi Germany also underlines the fact
that fascism is a general western phenomenon, not a Sonderweg
development in just a few countries.
There is no doubt that
fascism in Sweden failed immensely in its ambitions to build
a mass mobilising political movement. The only moment in time
during the interwar period when the socio-economic crisis was
so severe that there might have been a chance for a fascist
movement to gain real momentum, in connection with the severe
hunger demonstrations in 1918–1919, there were no fascists
present to take advantage of the situation. And when the Depression
hit the country in the early 1930s, the organised fascists
failed to turn this in their own favour. The reasons for this
can be found within the fascist movement itself as well as
without it, but to use this fact to dismiss fascism altogether,
as ideologically as well as organisationally insignificant,
is jumping to conclusions.
In the 1930s, practically every
conceivable barrier against the growth of fascism of a more
practical, socio-economic character was in place, and it thus
seems rather paradoxical that Sweden should have had a fascist
movement in the first place. Despite this, Sweden had a relatively
strong fascist movement, peaking in the mid-1930s at around
30,000 members out of a population of 6,5 million. There must
be reasons for this, but so far we know very little about this.
The conclusion that can be drawn from this, which also concludes
this article, is that more research both into Swedish interwar
fascism as such and into its indigenous context is needed.
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